National Center Brief / NNC- Legal Committee in the House of Representatives , said he could not offer a general amnesty law on the House of Representatives for a vote on the existing paragraphs, noting that the paragraphs of the law shameful and there is difficulty modified.
A member of the Committee on the Morshedi in a press statement that " a large proportion of the paragraphs of the amnesty law is considered constitutional and legal and judicial irregularities, stressing that the parliamentary legal committee can not edit paragraphs of the law only after a thorough study."
He pointed out that " a general amnesty allowed to exit the general managers and over two - thirds of those who judge how long in prison, compared to 10,000 Iraqi dinars, confirming that can not so easily be released corrupt without legally hold them accountable."
He added that "after adjusting the vertebrae of the amnesty law by the Legal Committee will be submitted to the House of Representatives to be voted on in principle, noting that it is hoped that the law be displayed after the legislative recess of the House of Representatives."
loop says():Should Baathists have role in post-IS Iraq?
Author Joseph BriefelPosted November 14, 2016
Iraqi security forces arrested Saddam Hussein’s cousin Nizar Hammoud Abdul Ghani, who was one of the Iraqi president’s personal guards, on Oct. 25 for his alleged involvement in the Islamic State's attack on Kirkuk on Oct. 21.
Summary Print Former Baathists, some of whom have collaborated with the Islamic State (IS), are now looking to take on a prominent role in the post-IS recovery.
“Three of his brothers are also high-ranking officers in the [IS] organization in Al-Hawija district,” the chief of Kirkuk’s suburban police, Brig. Gen. Sarhad Qadir, told Rudaw. Hawija lies some 50 kilometers (30 miles) west of Kirkuk.
As the inevitable defeat of IS approaches, analysts and politicians are busy discussing life in Iraq after the group. Sectarian reconciliation, political autonomy and the role of external actors such as Turkey continue to dominate the media discourse.
One group that remains absent from post-liberation narratives is the former Baathists, who have played a complex role in Mosul’s recent history and have had a dysfunctional relationship with post-2003 governments in Baghdad. If the role of former Baathists is forgotten in post-IS Iraq, then many of the key issues that arose when IS entered Mosul in 2014 will likely return in the future.
The powerful role played by former Baathists in IS’s leadership structure is well known. Abu Muslim al-Turkmani, a lieutenant colonel in Saddam’s Intelligence Service, and Abu Ali al-Anbari, a former major general under Saddam, were IS’s former deputy commanders in Iraq and Syria.
Ezzat al-Douri, the former deputy leader of the Baath Party, was reported to be fighting for IS. “The fingerprints of the old Iraqi state are clear on their work. You can feel it,” a former Baath Party official told Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity.
IS’s strong Baathist links gave the group a clear Iraqi identity and allowed it to make alliances with many other such groups upon its entry into Mosul. One of these alliances was with the Baathist-linked Naqshbandi Army, which is led by Ezzat al-Douri.
When IS forces stormed into Mosul in June 2014, the Naqshbandi Army’s Baathist network largely facilitated their entry. As the Iraqi journalist and analyst Hazem al-Amin notes, “Baath Party officers were the people who were in charge of capturing Mosul and the people of Mosul.”
After entering Mosul, however, IS revealed its true colors by forcing the former Baathists within the Naqshbandi Army and other groups to pledge allegiance to their “caliphate.” Some Baathists joined, swelling the ranks of IS’ military personnel, while others were killed or went into hiding, removing their uniforms to avoid detection. IS “took the revolution from us,” said a senior Baath Party official. “We couldn’t sustain the battle.”
As retribution for the betrayal, many former Baathists who remained inside Mosul have resurfaced and are now assassinating IS militants inside the city, heeding the Oct. 17 calls by senior Naqshbandi figures to rise up against IS. They form one of many anti-IS groups inside Mosul, such as Kata’ib al-Mosul, the so-called M-Resistance and the Prophet Yunis Brigades, working occasionally in conjunction with the Iraqi government's security forces.
IS continues to pursue the Naqshbandi members, perceiving them as a strong threat to their control on the city. As former Naqshbandi Col. Qais al-Jibouri has said, Naqshbandi members are waiting for the right time to act and exact their revenge on IS. But he remains wary of the group’s future moves despite their anti-IS stance.
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loop says():Distrust of former Baathists remains among various factions of Iraqi society, as many Iraqis hold them responsible for carrying out attacks in Iraq during the insurgency after 2003, while others remember the bloody massacre of 1,700 Shiite cadets at former US base Camp Speicher.
Despite resentment of IS, the remaining Naqshbandi members are likely to still hold the same resentment that facilitated the initial marriage of convenience with IS in 2014, and in particular great contempt for the Baghdad government and its de-Baathification policies of 2003, which dismissed hundreds of thousands of Sunnis.
As Fawaz Gerges predicts in his book “ISIS: A History,” once Mosul is liberated, many of the Naqshbandi Army's Baathist members will return underground to regroup and wait for an opportunity to return, just as they did before exploiting the social instability in Nineveh in 2014.
Despite their ideological differences, the pragmatic secular nationalist Baathists are determined to acquire power by any means available and exploit any situation to their advantage. But for those that attempt to blend back into civilian life, what does the future hold?
The Supreme National Commission for Accountability and Justice made amendments to the de-Baathification law on Sept. 30, allowing many former Baathists to resume their jobs. As IS represents the greatest threat to Iraq and its people, national reconciliation must include all groups, including Baathists, to defeat it.
Understanding Baathist networks are of paramount importance and the topic must be included alongside the more prevalently discussed issues of sectarian reconciliation, political autonomy and the role of external actors when addressing the drivers of social insecurity.
The controversial amnesty law passed by the parliament Aug. 30 allows people convicted of all but 13 crimes to apply for an official pardon in an effort to promote political reconciliation with those who were convicted after 2003.
Yet many people fear this leniency will play into the hands of those harboring anti-government sentiments. Representatives from the National Alliance, including the Sadiqoun bloc's Hassan Salim, lambasted the law as a “gift to terrorists and [IS] members and a betrayal of the blood of the martyrs and victims.”
As a result of this, the National Alliance, led by Ammar Hakim, has attempted to address the matter by engaging Sunni political blocs and agreeing on reconciliation measures after IS, as well as promoting Iraq’s sovereignty, unity and democracy.
With the help of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq and other Sunni-majority nations, this effort is a positive step toward national reconciliation between different political and religious groups.
But as researcher and writer Ali Mamouri notes, “Confronting the conditions of jihadism requires a comprehensive plan supported by the international community and regional powers addressing the economic, political and social aspects of the issue.” What must be included within this framework, then, is recognition of Baath networks to ensure a political climate in which they will not be able to resurface.
subgirl says to rcookie():thank you for that report on Mosul and look at them go!!! WOW! AND Good Morning Rcookie!!!
loop says():Dr. Kazem Medhat al-Quraishi *: economic reform process and the extent of seriousness in austerity measures
11/07/2016 | (Voice of Iraq) - Add Comment - decades ago was the fiscal deficit characteristic of the general budget of attributes, this deficit aggravate further since mid - 2014 due to the significant decline in oil imports caused by the large decline in international oil prices, coupled with the continued growth of the size of government spending is irrational and unjustified.
All of this push to claim economists and some politicians and the masses of people to embrace economic reform process to address the economic and financial situation is difficult. In response to this pressure , the government has announced its adoption of the reform process, which included reducing public spending and seek to increase the oil resources by increasing the volume of production as well as non - oil resources development of industry, agriculture and tourism sectors, among others.
It was expected to be spending reduced significantly and effectively in all aspects of public spending and resorting to austerity as commensurate with the size of the problem, increasing the size of the revenue also through the imposition of taxes on high incomes and on some luxury items and non - essential and impose or increase fees on some business activities and earnings resulting from capital capital gains)) and some of the services offered by the state for some of the better - off social groups.
Under the terms of the International Monetary Fund , the government should impose a tax on the three presidencies, MPs and ministers, agents and special grades and salaries , because the fund is that these exaggerated salaries and it is exponentially more than the salaries of their counterparts in developed and rich countries. Do we not know that the government will apply this requirement or not.
The government also directed to reduce protections for various officials , a certain percentage has nearly thirty per cent.
It is noticeable that the measures taken by the government were not at the required level, as merely some light touches and is moving here and there in order to avoid the pressures and the opposition of powerful and influential political blocs.
The government has announced a modest reduction in the three presidencies and special grades salaries.
At the same time , the government has to deduct the portion of employees ' salaries (including junior staff), as well as retirees under the pretext routed to the popular crowd and displaced and perhaps to cover expenses for some services, as well as to impose or increase fees for certain services provided by the state, the recent actions rests on the shoulders of the poor .
We believe that it was incumbent on the government to resort to other additional measures to reduce public spending to reduce the budget deficit on the one hand and reduce the gap between officials and the rest of the people investigated for social justice and to avoid the expected reactions of the masses of the people angry and sees the difference between well - being exaggerated officials and injustice and inequity between the reality on the rest of the masses of the people.
In the opinion of many observers, analysts and the masses of people that he was on the Government to undertake a much larger reduction than they did on the protections of officials at all levels, starting from the Presidency and the prime minister and the House of Representatives and down to the agents and chairpersons and general managers and so on
loop says():This is because the size of the protections is still significant in an unjustified and unreasonable and very far from what is common in all countries of the world , and that its continuation as it is can not be justified on the basis of the security situation , it has become a door for corruption and exploitation and a large waste of public money.
Officials became walking long processions of cars and armored cars as though they are moving to the fighting fronts! And not in the streets of the capital.
If we assume that the security situation in Iraq to justify all these protections, vehicles and weapons on what ordinary citizens can do to protect themselves!
Then , if officials were afraid of the people to such a degree why they get into these positions? To leave it to others and go to if released and may God give them the best reward, although we always hear that the elected officials of the people , and they represent the people , why all this fear of people? If not for fear Is it to satisfy their egos?
We know for sure that the door protections became pope for making money because a lot of officials do not have all of this provision for the protection issue.
If we move to the palaces and buildings occupied by the heads of blocs and parties and people the powerful officials without charge it came to pass , that there is nothing wrong, even if the government has to vacate these buildings and used for government purposes or has leased through an auction Nazih got resources for sizeable and have achieved some sort of social justice and ruled out corruption in this field.
Also , large numbers of customized vehicles for senior and middle - officials , including fuel and maintenance costs and exploitation, waste , they form a very large sums of money could be directed to more important economic and feasibility aspects.
When we compare how high - ranking officials and politicians in Iraq live with officials in developed countries and a true democracy (where navigates the Prime Minister on the bus or train and alone, and shop Angela Merkel alone from the supermarket and lives in her own apartment and not in the mansion of the state president of Germany 's great, we realized the difference the vast between the two, which is surprising and anger at the same time .
it wants to achieve reform , it must address all the aspects that would reform the economic situation, which is reflected on the social and political situation.
All these facts do not fit with the real process of reform advocated by everyone and do not achieve alleged austerity and therefore will not address the problem of chronic public budget effectively than the application of all calls for proposals mentioned above , in order to promote economic reform and the achievement of its objectives process.
Dr. Kazem Medhat al - Quraishi
(*) an economist and university professor